On old demons – Der Spiegel:

‘It's a Tuesday evening in the town of Freising, around 30 kilometers north of Munich. A crowd has assembled on Marienplatz square in the Old Town. A police spokesman will later say that there were around 4,000 demonstrators in a town with only 50,000 inhabitants.
A cowbell can be heard ringing again and again. Some farmers from the region have arrived with tractors and protest placards. "Just because we're against government measures that endanger our existence doesn't mean we support the AfD," says one.’

(…)

‘As darkness falls, demonstrators hold their mobile phones up in the air with the flashlights on – indeed, this has already become one of the iconic symbols of this wave of protests. It guarantees good images, and the symbolism is catchy: The light is still shining in Germany, there is hope in the darkness.’

(…)

‘But something has changed since the investigative journalism site Correctiv reported about a secret meeting in a Potsdam hotel, where AfD members and right-wing extremists openly discussed plans for "remigration": They wanted to force people to leave Germany on a large scale, including those who have been granted the right to be here. According to the report, Martin Sellner, an Austrian activist from the far-right Identitarian Movement, named three groups in Potsdam to be targeted: asylum–seekers, foreigners with the right to stay in Germany and "non-assimilated citizens." That means the target groups would also include people with German passports.’

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‘In Pirna in the eastern state of Saxony, for example, where an AfD candidate was elected mayor and alleged extreme right-wingers in uniform-like clothing attended the rally, 1,000 demonstrators turned up. Everything went well, the masses ensured safety. To keep things that way, the alliance is calling on people from large cities to take part in demonstrations in small towns, too.
The activists are also planning workshops and fundraising campaigns. "We have to help people to network in the long term," says Reimann. "The real work is only just beginning."
He knows very well that everything could otherwise be over within just a few weeks. That movements are constantly collapsing almost as quickly as they take shape.’

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‘There are cities where the youth wing of the conservative Christian Democrats are also calling for demonstrations. In Freising, politicians with the CSU and the Free Voters spoke at a rally organized by the youth wing of the Green Party.
But things aren't quite as united elsewhere.
In Frankfurt the weekend before last, former Mayor Petra Roth of the CDU demonstratively took to the stage alongside her successor Mike Josef of the SPD in front of more than 35,000 people. But the local CDU hadn't called on its people to mobilize and participate. "It's simple, we weren't asked by the organizer," says CDU district manager Thorsten Weber. But that's only part of the story.
Weber also admitted that they had some problems with the organizers. Among the almost 80 organizations that took part, some attracted attention with their radical statements, like ones made by a local leftist antifa group. In addition, Weber says that the calls for such rallies must be clearly directed "against right-wing extremism – not against the right in general." The CDU, after all, is also part of the center-right politically.’

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‘In Baden-Württemberg, mayors across the state joined forces to publish an open letter: "Right-wing extremist currents are trying to undermine our democratic order. As local politicians, we want to take a stand." The letter has already attracted 31 signatories from across the state and includes members of parties from across the spectrum.
In Thuringia, the state association of mobile counseling teams against right-wing extremism, which is headquartered in the capital city of Erfurt, says that the number of civil society activities began rising last summer. "New initiatives and alliances are being formed and the networking meetings in preparation for this election year have been well attended," says Felix Steiner, the association spokesman.
Steiner has also seen a greater willingness from those in business and in the culture sector to become involved – a development that has accelerated in recent days.
It is a tendency seen in Brandenburg as well, says Markus Klein, the head of Demos, an institute that provides mobile counseling. He says that more and more leading figures from the business community are getting involved as well, people with influence in their towns. "There are tangible reasons for the companies there. They are simply unable to find workers anymore."
The mobile counseling teams operated by the cultural office in Saxony also report a shift: "The first democratic citizens' initiatives are considering putting up their own candidates for municipal elections and are asking for advice."’

(…)

‘Pretty much all senior CDU leaders have expressed support for the demonstrators in one way or another, including party chair Friedrich Merz. "The 'silent' majority has spoken and made clear that they want to live in a country that is cosmopolitan and free," he said last weekend.
Another member of the CDU leadership said: "Those are our people who are taking to the streets."’

(…)

‘On the sidelines of a Tuesday rally in the Thuringian town of Zeulenroda, Haussner said that the images of the nationwide demonstrations have "led to significant unease in our circles and, for some, great disappointment."
He verbalized that which the AfD is officially loathe to accept. But strategists from the New Right who are close to the party have already begun cautioning against panic. The identitarian journalist Benedikt Kaiser, for example, warned on a podcast belonging to an extremist right-wing outlet in Austria that there is a danger of "hysterical actionism" from the AfD.
Will the demonstrations ultimately cost the AfD votes at the ballot box? Examples from other European countries show that such movements can indeed have an effect come election day.’

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‘But the leaders of the three parties in the current governing coalition in addition to the heads of the CDU and of the CSU have thus far refrained from embracing the idea. A ruling by the Higher Administrative Court in Münster is expected in March which will determine whether the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV), Germany's domestic security agency, is permitted to classify the AfD as a nationwide, right-wing extremist threat – a categorization that would allow the agency to wield intelligence tools, such as spies inside the party, to search for information. Until then, say leaders of the coalition parties in parliament, senior coalition representatives aren't likely to take a position.
What might happen then? Important conservatives have already begun positioning themselves against a party ban. "The debate about banning the AfD puts us on difficult legal terrain and is politically dangerous," says Thorsten Frei, a senior conservative in parliament.
The FDP is also wary of such a move. Justice Minister Marco Buschmann believes that if the outcome of any effort to ban the AfD isn't completely certain, then starting the process at all would be a huge risk. And when can you ever be certain in front of a court? The SPD, for its part, is still in the process of coming up with a position on the issue. While inside the Green Party, a number of lawmakers are open to the idea of a ban, but party leadership has been eager to avoid loose chatter, fearing that open support could harm the movement more than it helps it.’

(…)

‘German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier began focusing on the strengthening of democracy several years ago. Last week, he made a visit to Vietnam, in part to speak about how Germany might be able to attract more skilled workers from the country.
Normally, a head of state refrains from commenting on daily events back home during trips overseas. But these days are anything but normal. On Wednesday, Steinmeier made an exception and made a statement from Ho Chi Minh City: "The democratic center of our society has awakened and recognizes its responsibility."
For this week, he has invited business leaders, trade union leaders and heads of associations to his office for a democracy summit.
A start has been made. Now, it must be continued.’

Read the article here.

A start has been made. As to a ban of the AfD, it’s same dilemma the US faces vis-a-vis Trump. A total ban of the AfD might be counterproductive, to go after the funding of the party, including funding from outside Germany is probably a better idea.

It’s unclear of course if this will change the outcome of the state elections in Saxony, Thuringia and Brandenburg later this year. In Saxony the AfD polls currently around 34%. But then again, the protest voter might reach the conclusion timely that not every protest vote is a wise vote.

And as this article makes clear, mass demonstrations supported by all other political parties can have an important impact.