On power – Harel in Haaretz:

‘The American moves were meant to project power, as the administration did in mid-October, a few days after war broke out between Hamas and Israel. Then too, when there was concern that Hezbollah and possibly Iran would join Hamas' terror attack, Biden sent a verbal warning, rushing to back it up with deeds, including the dispatch of two task forces to the region.
One of these returned to its base in January, but the second aircraft carrier, the Dwight Eisenhower, was sailing in the Red Sea toward Israel over the weekend, in order to signal to Iran that it should avoid making a mistake.
In addition to the aircraft carrier's movement, there was an increased deployment of aerial defense systems across the Middle East, with a tightening of communications with Israel and other countries. This was a more extensive expression of the regional air defense system Israel and the U.S. had planned on establishing two years ago.’

(…)

‘And yet, there are multiple long-range problems. First, Biden's mobilization and his declarations only illustrate Israel's increasing dependence on the U.S. (while, paradoxically, for months the Netanyahu government has been doing all it can to hurt and insult the president).’

(…)

‘All of this is happening over an assassination Israel hasn't taken responsibility for, and apparently didn't give much thought to in advance. Administration sources have told American media outlets that they received news of the attack only several minutes before it took place. There were no reports of a cabinet discussion before the attack, where its implications could have been discussed.
Moreover, Iran bases some of its public rage on the fact that Zahedi and six others were killed in Iran's consulate building, next to their embassy in Damascus. Israel doesn't attribute much importance to this fact, arguing that this was a terrorist base, but for the Iranian regime this was an attack on sovereign Iranian soil.’

(…)

‘There are unofficial reports that the Netanyahus, or at least the prime minister's wife, have moved to a home in Jerusalem that's equipped with an atomic shelter – that of a rich American Jewish family who are among his supporters. So far, the only senior official sent to talk with the public has been Lt. Col. Daniel Hagari, the IDF spokesman, who convened a press conference on Friday night.
This time too, Netanyahu, like the entire defense establishment, finds it convenient to hide behind Hagari. If there is an attack, the spokesman will play a critical role in calming the public.’

(…)

‘Events in Iran and the West Bank are pushing the dire situation of Israel's hostages held by Hamas out of the headlines. As was written in these pages in recent weeks, negotiations over their release are stuck, despite optimistic forecasts made in Jerusalem and by mediating countries.
Netanyahu is not pressing negotiators to reach a deal, mainly out of concern of entanglement with the extremist right-wing parties in his coalition. Hamas' leader in Gaza, Yahya Sinwar, feels that things are moving along to his benefit given the exit of IDF forces from Khan Yunis and the international pressure on Israel, meant to increase the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza.’

Read the article here.

Summarizing: no hostage deal, more international isolation, more hardship for Palestinians on the West Bank, no end to the quagmire in Gaza, see under: no hostage deal.

The good news, relatively speaking, is that the Iranian attack tonight was not so much an escalation, but more an attempt to escalate and deescalate at the same time.

Biden already said that the US won’t support a counterattack against Iran.

The regional war is (still) not there. In the absence of good news, we have to make do with that.